tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-81625000210039480222024-03-12T22:00:54.671-04:00Literary Economics: The Reagan Years and AfterAnalyzing the capitalist culture created by Reagonomics and its aftermath through art, music, and media.Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.comBlogger12125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-30840000857819654562011-09-17T01:33:00.000-04:002011-09-17T01:33:00.516-04:00Back! With a Close Reading of DeLillo's White NoiseHello! Sorry about being away, getting back to school has been...much more difficult than originally intended. Anyhow, I am actively working on the thesis, and am posting my first (admittedly far out) close reading of Don DeLillo's <i>White Noise</i>. I have also read Pynchon's <i>The Crying of Lot 49</i> and will be posting an analysis of it tomorrow.<br />
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Anyway, click the jump for some <i>White Noise</i> close reading!<br />
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<div class="MsoNormalCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 200%;">The evocation of human thought into text characterizes Don DeLillo’s <u>White Noise</u>, where speech and thought meld into a consideration of the world as it is presented and presents itself. The primary thought process that drives the novel is death, ultimately coming down to an assessment that “There are two kinds of people in the world. Killers and diers…The more people you kill, the more credit you store up” (290). This is, of course, foreshadowing Jack’s turn to murder in order to solve his own fear of death, as medication, discussion, and the world offered no other immediate answers.</div><div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;"><span> </span>The immediacy of action as it occurs in thought suggests an era of possibility for those within the elite. Jack’s whim of creating a Hitler Studies department simply happens, Babette’s able to obtain drugs that can put off the fear of death, and Wilder’s ride across the freeway simply occur because they are desired. However, there is a lack of satisfaction in any material gain, as all relates back to the looming fear of death and the coming future, whatever it may hold. The only escape becomes academic discussion, where “Death was strictly a professional matter…” (74).</div><div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;"><span> </span>It is the humor of the novel which saves it from maudlin depression, engaging a gallows humor that serves textually to keep death at bay. The novel combats itself internally, offsetting Jack’s increasingly bleak future with the natural, albeit written, humor of his life. The constant interplay between these elements allows Jack’s thoughts, actions, and words to mesh into a stream of confusing life. </div><div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;"><span> </span>This life, however, does not include the monetary concerns of the average human for seemingly any of its character. Class is recognizable, particularly within Murray’s rental complex, but does not present itself through earnings or earnings potential (32). Characters simply maintain the occupations they desire, unless held back by their own thoughts. Emotion instead occupies currency, particularly within the Dylar substance. The only purposeful bloodshed committed is over Jack’s desire to obtain information on Dylar: to better know his wife, forego his fear of death, and destroy the sexual partner of his wife, he kills the man responsible for Dylar’s creation. Murray’s non-violent but voyeuristic move to The College-On-The-Hill is for his own emotional pleasure. In essence, characters trade emotional need and ownership of place because actual dollars are not a true factor in their lives. </div><div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;"><span> </span>DeLillo raises the question as to how life should be lived with death constantly approaching. In a way, he takes a mathematician or economist’s modeling procedure through invoking “ceteris parabus,” wherein all other things are held constant. By limiting characters not to basic needs such as food or money but only to their emotional ideas of self, DeLillo draws out the rush of the era and the uncertainty of economic stability through this simple constancy. Economic turmoil is absorbed, quite literally, into emotional turmoil, as illustrated by the commoditization of emotion.</div><div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;"><span> </span>The part and chapter division further enforces commoditization of the emotional path of life into unit values. Each chapter deals almost entirely within one issue, conversation, or event, while each part translates into a sum of these stories. DeLillo keeps Jack as the narrator in order to further a forced pattern, yet also enforces a fiat reading as Jack filters everyone else through his own vision. Every idea is only as powerful as the weight Jack gives it, forming not only his own opinions but those of others into a singular unit used for decision making. By quantifying these values, DeLillo effectively creates a sort-of exchange rate despite the books emotional focus. DeLillo does not disregard monetary measures, but rather incorporates them into the novel as a powerful force which controls the world of Jack but yet does not physically interfere.</div>Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-33235913241717898952011-08-18T17:49:00.003-04:002011-08-18T18:01:42.018-04:00Catching Up: The Academic Direction of this BlogHello! I am still out of town, but I definitely wanted to update tonight to keep people up to date and to keep me on schedule.<br />
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This morning, I woke up to a friend's message that indicated his interest in discussion in these topics, but did not see their connection to Reagan as a person or the events as directly caused by his administration's policies. This is totally valid and understandable, so I would like to clear up the direction this blog is headed in academically.<br />
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Previous posts have dealt largely with issues occurring within "Capitaliam" in modern times, without direct reference to concrete Reagan policies and more of a ghostly specter that haunts leftists and Keynsians. The exact topic of my thesis is attempting to create a connection between Reagan's <i>specific policies</i> and the literature published during his time in office. To do this, a historical review of Reagan's presidency must be completed and sourced, occurring largely outside this blog and instead in libraries, my legal vault of a dorm room, and probably a couple bars. However! We are going to get specific.<br />
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I leave for Gettysburg this Sunday, where I will have access to several happily helping economic departments, a terrific library, and an academic center in which to put these ideas to review. My advisors, Professors Sobelle and Madra, will be helping put this focus into perspective and moving what seems like a collection of lit reviews into a cohesive and presentable paper.<br />
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If you have enjoyed this blog for the random culture and analysis, keep reading. At no point am I going to stop playing with pop songs and editorials. But expect to see more straight academicism, backed by traditional citation and direct references to the policies of Reagan instead of the lingering ghost of Reagonomics mentioned before.<br />
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For tonight, I'd suggest you read this <a href="http://public.gettysburg.edu/~taylja06/college/The%20Class%20Analysis%20of%20Households%20Extended_%20Children,%20Fathers,%20and.pdf">incredible article by Richard Wolff which expands on his ideas of capitalism within the household</a>. It is admittedly very long, but worth at least skimming to understand the roots of this blog's feelings toward modern capitalism. The challenge is to explore if Reagan is responsible for this atmosphere, determine the perception of Reagan and his policies in culture, and move to the present to understand the changes in capitalism Reagan propogated.<br />
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Expect a real post tomorrow, but right now I believe Mr. Wolff can say far more than I can.Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-66334083734085324782011-08-17T21:26:00.002-04:002011-08-18T09:30:01.934-04:00A Night Away from Reaganhello! do not have access to a computer tonight so I cannot fully update. apologies! my girlfriend has me out seeing Atrocious. double post tomorrow!<br />
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EDIT: It is today. I am still out of town but have a computer so I will try to update / double update tonight! Thanks again for your support! Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-79953524251492700882011-08-16T19:02:00.000-04:002011-08-16T19:02:02.436-04:00Folk Music: Taking the National as PersonalOn March 30th, 1981, John Hinckley, Jr. attempted to assasinate Ronald Reagan in public, outside of the Hilton Hotel in DC. Hinckley committed this act in order to win the love of Jodie Foster, who he had developed an obsession with after experiencing the film <a href="http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/hinckley/taxidriver.htm">Taxi Driver</a>, which was actually shown in full during the Hinckley's trial.<br />
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There has been a lot written about Hinckley, mostly bad, accusing him of being a psychotic who had a repeated history of stalking and possible conspiracy to murder. This is not far off the truth, in the real world. However, taken into the world of folk tales, Hinckley becomes something more: a hero in love, willing to kill to earn his dream girl. Pretty screwed up, right?<br />
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Chris Clavin wrote a whole song thinking otherwise. Within is a bevy of folk tall tale and romantic love, combined with economic dreams of status through possession and action. So let's look at Chris Clavin's <a href="http://chrisclavin.bandcamp.com/track/john-and-jodie">"John and Jody</a>." If you have a heart, consider buying the album. <a href="http://chrisclavin.bandcamp.com/album/web-collection-i">It's only $5</a> and helps an artist get out of debt. But examination begin!<br />
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Here are the <a href="http://pastebin.com/W9aZyUdJ">lyrics</a>; I transcribed them so if there are any errors I apologize. I would suggest listening to the song first to understand the basic patterns and repetition at work musically before simply touching the lyrics. As a simple folk song, it follows a generic three or four chord pattern (I don't have the best ears) with a series of verses varying the main line of intent.<br />
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In terms of history, I cannot say exactly when this was recorded. The album was put together on January 5th, 2011, nearly 30 years after Hinckley's attempt on Reagan's life. There is no direct time connection then; this is not a reactionary single released two days after the attempt or a cash in on media controversy, but rather an earnest song released long after the fact. In fact, to quote Chris' recording philosophy:<br />
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<blockquote>My Idea for recording is to record quickly and keep the 1st or 2nd take. My songs are simple and sometimes sloppy. But, I think they are pretty to the point and true. I record them all myself with a microphone plugged into my computer. (http://www.plan-it-x.org/artist/chris-clavin/)</blockquote>The immediacy of the writing and recording of these songs attests to natural feelings: if Clavin writes a song for his solo career, he is probably thinking only of expressing himself as an individual and not as an anarchist. However, where should the separation be noted? As owner of an anarchist label, shouldn't all songs require precision to political ideal?<br />
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This seems to be the case with the core of the song, John Hinckley taking aim at Ronald Reagan followed by actively accusing Reagan of possibly killing everyone. Hinckley reaches a folk hero status, a man slaying a monster to win the girl. Except, in <i>Taxi Driver</i>, Jodie Foster <a href="http://www.girlskickbutt.com/bio/jodie_foster/">played an underage prostitute</a>. Hinckley was also mentally ill, as <a href="http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/hinckley/hinckleyaccount.html">attested to by multiple professionals</a>. Reagan was Reagan, regardless of your feelings here. He is mythical. In the context of the song, he is able to kill everyone instantly should he want to. He is an all powerful, demonized voice. For most hard-leftists, this isn't so far off from general consensus.<br />
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The mythical Reagan, with ever expanding power and influence, is important here for his effecting of the American economic system. The sublimation of the ideals of capitalism as patriotism "trickles down" more effectively than his policies ever did. Here Clavin, sworn anarchist, idolizes a mentally ill man who wishes to not simply fall in love with a woman, but to to <a href="http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/hinckley/hbio.htm">stalk, harass, and own her in real life</a>. Quoting from that link:<br />
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<blockquote>At Yale, he attempted to establish contact with Jodie, and left letters and poems in her mailbox. He managed to have two telephone conversations with her, during which he assured her that he was not a "dangerous person." His deep obsession with Foster, however, coincided with his obsession with assassination. Hinckley believed that achieving notoriety by assassinating the President of the United States would help him gain what he termed her "respect and love."</blockquote>Respect and love is ownership here; Hinckley wishes to gain, not earn or find, respect and love. Hinckley pays the traditional cost of business: Assasinating Reagan is payment for Foster. John loves Jodie, but Jodie doesn't love John.<br />
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The fairytale Clavin speaks of seems akin to the mid-English heroic tales, in particular stories of bride snatching and wedding by sword. At best, this is feudalism, and at worst, autocracy. The very idea of love in the song is corrupted by capitalist intention, where there must be a gain for one and not the other. <i>John and Jodie</i> never asks Jodie's feelings on the matter, in real life or in some fairy tale.<br />
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For a man I respect beyond belief, and a song I find endearing, this is the worst possible outcome of the capitalist ideals of Reagan. Thirty years after an assassination attempt occurred, a rebirth is occurring in the hearts of even anarchists. Chris' recent debt issues I wrote about before allude to this further.<br />
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Whatever your feelings on Reagan, please understand this absorption. For some this may be a beautiful thing, society accepting capitalism on the fringes. For others, it's a disturbing discovery of how even the radicals are being infected.Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-7113734978115931522011-08-16T00:42:00.001-04:002011-08-16T00:48:22.300-04:00Warren Buffet on "Coddling the Super-Rich"My girlfriend, a devoted liberal, posted this link to facebook: <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/15/opinion/stop-coddling-the-super-rich.html?_r=1">Stop Coddling The Super-Rich</a>. Buffett, as always, contributes an informed opinion to a reputable magazine in contrast to his own personal wealth. Buffett quickly separates himself as a usurer compared to "[earning] money from a job," in an effort to identify himself as a member of the super-rich and therefore qualified to speak for them. Being the <a href="http://www.forbes.com/wealth/billionaires">third richest man in the world</a>, this distinction should be obvious to any reader of a Buffett piece. What I would like to do here is provide a close reading of this article, examining word choice and positioning as to why Buffett would submit this besides gains in public respect such as he earned from my girlfriend.<br />
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<a name='more'></a>Buffett immediately ingratiates himself with the American public, using the second-person plural "OUR." This dictates the tone of the piece: Buffett is not speaking as a wealthy man with his own interests, but rather at the level of the average citizen who has a hypothetical wealth. This is a <a href="http://www2.waterforduhs.k12.wi.us/staffweb/Sereno/mainpages/InfoLit/Microsoft%20Word%20-%20Writing%20the%20Persuasive%20Essay.pdf">hallmark</a> of persuasive writing, indicating a willingness by Buffett to persuade as he integrates. Is this a bad thing? Hardly, it allows for a clearer voice to emerge that is more immediately relatable to the common reader.<br />
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So then why does Buffett transition so quickly to hard numbers? He slowly moves from the general second-person plural to a more specific class of people who classify their income as "carried interest," then finally goes directly into his own paid taxes. As a percentage of taxable income, he admits paying 17.4% of all earned funds. The details of how this number is reached are not probed, however; unless Buffett does all of his own accounting in the quickest way possible, there is a strong likelihood of tax loopholes and escapes present in his return. Again, this is no sin; every individual who has a dependent, for example, gets a break. It is simply that these breaks do not accumulate as well, "if you earn money from a job." Again Buffett relates to the average, implying that financial trading is not a job but simply money coming from money (which, in all fairness, it is).<br />
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Buffett attributes this gap to changes in payroll and personal income taxation, without directly mentioning the Bush tax cuts. He does, however, add that he paid these taxes in the 80's and 90's, so the Bush cuts look to be the fairest example of how this gap grew from Buffett's view. It is here that Buffett provides a grand insight into taxation for investors: If (Revenue - Tax) > Investment, the tax rate should not be considered as a fault. However, rising taxation creates profit scares, wherein a risk premium for taxes must be introduced should the investment be long term. This long term valuation is again scared by inflation, creating an equation more akin to ((Revenue * (1+Inflation) - (Tax + risk premium) > Investment. This is simplified of course, but is implied in Buffett's statement that "I have yet to see anyone...shy away from a sensible investment because of the tax rate on the potential gain." Without factoring in risk premiums for loss, in theory all the investor has to do is weigh his options for estimated revenue and plug and chug. Finance is by no means this easy, but let's just play simple.<br />
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Again, Buffett implies a fault in the Bush cuts, noting that, "You know what's happened since [1980-2000]: lower tax rates and far lower job creation. This is a grand nod to Keynesian theory, where government spending would create jobs, but the government can't spend without taxes. Looking back at the previous article on Rothbart posted here, we can see a traditional increase in spending and slight fluctuations and debt until the years following 2000. Oddly, Buffett fails to mention the recession of 1982 which was called back to many times in the wake of the modern crisis. This assumes a revisionist past, where Reagan did cut taxes or cut them effectively enough for Buffett to feel compassion outside of investment.<br />
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Buffett makes claims of his "super-rich" friends' desires for philanthropy and increased taxation, but makes no reference to whom outside of members of The Giving Pledge, wherein the super-rich pledge funds upon their death (if I remember correctly, and I am trying to keep this text based). For as noble as these individuals may be, it should be their accountants being asked. Philanthropy towards government organizations is not unheard of, and if they feel more taxation is appropriate, why not donate past the write off cap?<br />
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For all the talk of coddling, Buffett does not address the ability to be simply philanthropic. Buffett is known for being charitable, so this is in no way an attack on him. But if he possesses this money, this influence, and these tax happy friends, why not give more? <br />
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This article becomes, sadly, a puff piece. Money will flood the coffers of the super-rich during its writings, and those willing to believe they are as American as Warren Buffett will happily take this as a great sign. But Warren calls for no direct change outside of a general coddling, names no names, and avoids naming the source of these new tax cuts. There is implication of a greater good at work, yet nothing is being done. I'm glad to hear a usurer willing to help the poor. I'd just like to see it happen. No offense, Mr. Buffett, but name names. Start an action committee. Pay lobbyists. Do anything to bring this vision to reality.<br />
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Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-35631600494738484932011-08-15T20:19:00.003-04:002011-08-15T20:58:53.059-04:00OFFTOPIC: An Examination of Libya Pre-CrisisThis is a paper I wrote for Yahya Madra concerning the oil economy of Libya before the Qadhafi crisis. I realize it is off topic for this blog, but thought it would be an interesting read that relates somewhat to current events. Expect a double post tomorrow as I finish note taking on the suggested subjects. <br />
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<div class="MsoNormal"> Libya, officially the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, possesses a deeply ingrained oil economy, inflicting the nation with an almost curse of oil: cash wealth, specialized industry and a one way economy. Rising nationalist tendencies put into political structure by the original independence movement, altered, reconstructed and affirmed yet again in Muammar al-Qadhafi’s revolution set the stage for statist tendencies; Libya has nationalized the majority of its oil companies, only recently attempting to renew many world trade affiliations and awarding international, primarily US, companies exploration licenses (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, xxvii). This resurgence of international trade and reemergence of privatization follows and occurs with the period of “Infitah” and “Consumer Infitah”, economic liberalization outlined in former Prime Minister Shukri Ghanem’s economic reform policies advocated during a General People’s Congress meeting in 2005 (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 191-192) based on past successes. This reform of Libyan economic policies takes center stage, becoming the main crisis Libya faces in the coming years as its oil economy has proven to be a hazard to infrastructure and citizens. As a result, the chains of oil and Libya’s plans for breaking them have come to define Libya, its economy, and their direction into the future.</div><div class="MsoNormal"> Libya’s modern history begins with the breaking off of Italian colonialism. As World War II ended, Italy began to lose its grasp over Libya, with Britain pushing for Italy to recognize Libya’s independence. A constitution was drafted and adopted in October 1951, with a constitutional monarchy headed by King Idris I coming into power on December 24<sup>th</sup>, 1951 (Vandewalle, “Libya Since Independence”, xxiii). From the start Idris tried to promote a more unified Libya, but found the provincial ties of the citizens to their homelands (the three traditional divisions of Libya into Tripolitania, the Fezzan, and Cyrenaica) overpowering. Idris adopted a pro-Western foreign policy, relying on the United Nations Technical Board for a technical aid program that “emphasized the development of agriculture and education” (Libya: A Country Study, 38). Around the same time, Libya signed an agreement with the United States to give military base rights to the US in return for economic aid. This created the Wheelus Air Force Base installation, located at a strategic point near Tripoli. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> It was in June 1959 that oil was first struck in Libya. Esso, now Exxon, found petroleum deposits in Cyrenaica with more discoveries following afterward. This provided a near immediate economic boom, “initiated by concession holders who returned 50 percent of their profits to the Libyan government in taxes” (Libya: A Country Study 39). 1963 heralded a new movement for nationalism, with the federal form of government replaced by a dominant central government with a monarch. Libya was enjoying a profitable portion of its life span, but as Arab nationalist tensions heated up around them, more and more Libyans took sides. This culminated in a strong reaction the June 1967 war between Israel and Arabian nations (Libya: A Country Study 40). As a nation, Libya supported Arab goals, but did not do much to promote them. Idris became alienated by his populace; his provincial dedication to Cyrenaica lost him points in the other provinces, while his lack of true support for Arab interests put him out of touch with citizens. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> King Idris I lost his throne in a peaceful coup on September 1, 1969 headed by the Free Officers Movement, who were controlled by the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) (Libya: A Country Study 42). The RCC was largely headed by Muammar Al-Qadhafi, who was quickly promoted to Colonel and commander in chief of the Libyan Armed Forces, and in early 1970 he became official head of the RCC as well as head of state. Soon, nationalization begins to occur in the name of socialism; Qadhafi and the RCC say they are acting in the best interests of equality and the nation, promoting nationalism to realize their socialist agenda. Oil companies begin being taking over by the state in 1970, when major laws come out concerning how oil companies must operate. Concurrently, the RCC’s anti-western agenda calls for the evacuation of US and British military bases in Libya, notably the Wheelus Airforce base. Qadhafi soon announces the creation of the Popular Congresses, followed shortly by the creation of the Arab Socialist Union. More and more personal liberties are taken away as the regime reinforces its power, including abolishment of the rights to stroke and to join political parties outside the single party, as well nationalization of more and more private businesses such as insurance, health and education. By the end of 1973, 51% of all foreign oil companies in Libya had been nationalized, and Libya had declared an embargo with the United States over its support of Israel (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, xvii-xviii). </div><div class="MsoNormal"> General People’s Congress (GPC) gained control over Libya with the abolishment of the Arab Socialist Union in 1976. The following year Libya is added to a list of potential enemies of the United States, hurting its foreign relations as Libya’s nationalization ran full speed; The RCC and GPC eliminate all private property in 1977. Libya’s Arab support grows as it forms a bond with Syria, accepting all Arab citizens and making Arab passports. In 1982, the United States places an embargo of all goods to Libya save food and medicine, finalized in 1986 with the halting of all Libyan exports and industrial/commercial contracts. The first period of Infitah was planned to combat this loss of foreign trade and support; almost immediately after a period of intense nationalization, privatization comes into vogue again due to a liberal economy being simply necessary to continue survival. The private sector was revitalized in a speech by Qadhafi celebrating the anniversary of the revolution (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, xxii-xxv).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">The coming two decades are a period of economic decline for Libya; Infitah works, but the revitalization is hardly enough to support an economy based almost solely around oil. Qadhafi remains popular among his people save for few minor, isolated rebellions. Libya’s international status declined more and more, with the UN Security Council boycotting commercial flights into Libya in light of Pan Am Flight 103. Libya’s reluctance to allow any investigation also caused more UN sanctions to be placed upon it in 1994, finally suspending most sanctions in 1998 after handing over the Lockerbie suspects. The early 2000’s brought the suspension of most embargos and sanctions by nations, particularly the United States, as nations rethought their evaluation of the nation. By 2005, the US had lifted all of its sanctions, and was even handed multiple new exploration contracts for oil.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">Libya, despite its history, has proven to be somewhat stable, at least in macroeconomic indicators. It boasts a 58.33 billion US dollar GDP in 2007 (Libya at a Glance), with a $10,335 (PPP) GDP per capita in 2005 (UNDP Human Development Reports). Its GDP growth rate is steady, hovering around 6% in the period of 2005-2007 (Libya at a Glance). UNDP Human Development Reports indicate Libya to be middling to good in terms of human life standards, with a 13.6 poverty index, a 4.6% death rate before 40, and an 84.2% literacy rate. The macroeconomic standards are largely due to oil, however, with El-Kikhia noting that “less than twenty percent of the GDP is independent of oil and the oil sector” (92). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">Oil has shaped nearly the entire development of Libya; while not the precursor for political revolution, it has brought on numerous economic changes in policy and infrastructure. From first being found by Esso in 1959, oil has been a primary monetary contribution to the economy. Originally, companies with concessions paid 50% of profits to the Libyan government. Discovery and exploitation of oil turned Libya into an independently wealthy, with access to its method of creating wealth. The money was earmarked used for extensive development of industry, but this money went first to the development of oil. Over time, this extensive redevelopment in oil left it the only modern and relatively advanced industry (Libya: A Country Study 136-141).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">From 1961 to 1988, noticeably starting just a few years after the discovery of oil, Lybia’s agricultural industry declined from a total growth rate of 7.5% to 3.1% and per capita growth going from 3.4% to -0.6%. A slight rebound of agriculture occurred in the early 90’s, with production evening out to a middling 4.6% total growth (El-Kikhia, 95). Over almost three decades, Libya allowed for a major decline of one its most important industries. This is not to say that oil has proven to be unstable as a funding source, rather other standards of infrastructure have fallen. Oil production capability is repeatedly modernized and kept up to date, with expansion planned to increase oil production capabilities from 1.8 million bbl/d to 3 million bbl/d by 2010-2013 (Energy Information Administration Brief, 2). Libya is cash rich while developmentally poor (El-Kikhia), with profits coming from exporting 1.525 million bbl/d to countries such as Libya (38%), Germany (19%), Spain (8%) and now the US (7%) (Energy Information Administration Brief, 3) as well as revenues from nationalized oil companies and taxes on foreign now being allowed back in. Libya is a natural location for such high production and well-built infrastructure however, holding 39.1 billion barrels in reserves with a possible 8 billion left to be found (World Bank Economic Report, 13) as well as having incredibly accessible oil fields, with the best being able to extract oil for just a dollar a barrel (Energy Information Administration Brief, 4). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">This almost blind focus on oil has crippled every other form of industry. El-Kikhia presents the decimation of Libyan industry as the result of the misuse and mismanagement of taxes and oil money, describing the Libyan economy to be “that of an import-based, parasitic rentier state, where domestic industrial production is insignificant” (92). Despite efforts by the government to buy up industrial plants, more and more are shutting down or simply never became active under Libyan control. This leaves citizens unable to purchase even basic commodities, and left without water routinely due to lack of any distribution or routing methods. Somewhat strangely, despite its decline but eventual mild return in the face of oil, agriculture remains untouched by Qadhafi’s regime. Qadhafi himself is the cause of this, due to “realizing the failure of his former agricultural policy…merely stating that ‘land belongs to God and anyone plowing it should benefit from its fruits’” (El-Kikhia, 93). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0.5in;">This policy of less government intervention has gained acceptance multiple times in Libya history, often under the guise of Infitah. Moving away from the initial socialist themes of Qadhafi’s regime, Infitah called for a new liberalization of the economy, put into effect several times in Libyan history. This created both economic and political reforms, with a market system creating a class structure between citizens in a hypothetical liberalized market placed. Vandewalle, in his <i>A History of Modern Libya</i>, summarizes the Infitah challenge, and that of Libyan economic liberalization as a whole, as representing</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 0.5in;">…a fourfold challenge to the regime: a need to create new institutions to regulate better and make economic transactions more transparent, to reform institutions whose primary goal often focused on simply distributing revenues gathered by the state, to introduce markets and competition for resources, and, finally, to contain whatever political fall-out the three previous sets of measures might entail (163).</div><div class="MsoNormal">If able to get past these challenges, Libya and its people may be able to throw off their dependence on oil due to a revitalization of the private sector. Most of the focus of the Infitah would go to supporting new private sector initiatives while cutting state spending through the devaluation of subsidies (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 163). </div><div class="MsoNormal"> The Infitah program came about as oil exports came and declined and Libya faced an economic crisis. Originally, Libya had to figure out how it would distribute its newfound wealth as a nation. Oil booms came in 1973 and 1979, causing large amounts of cash to flow in from concessions. Libya chose to spend this money in the form of distribution to people and politics as opposed to setting up institutions within Libya to stabilize its infrastructure going into the future (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 162). Despite this fallacy of the future, Libya seemed to see itself as unable to run out of money, with even stagnant periods still bringing in money to the government and its officials and created state jobs for the people. The economy itself was inefficient, however, producing at miserable quantities and worker’s productivity being near null. Their internal economic problems were exacerbated by US unilateral sanctions instituted by Reagan which cut oil export profits and starting to bright to light what falling oil profits could do to the Libyan economy. The US sanctions are also proposed by Vandewalle to have forced Libya to “conclude deals with economic partners, particularly in the oil industry, it would normally have eschewed” (“A History of Modern Libya”, 153). These problems led into the need for reform, both politically and economically. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> Infitah came primarily in two waves, one during the period of 1987 to 1990, and another in the 1990’s that gradually became generally accepted Libyan economic policy. The original wave came as a shock, with state run industry being the norm all across the nation. By lifting bans on retail sales and cutting worker subsidies, however, Libya produced “wage-earners” who opened their own businesses or found work in them. The government set aside its monopolies, attempting to stand by its policies (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 164). These reforms created the initial effects of liberalization: opening businesses and making the private sector seem profitable and alluring. Notably, the already untouched by the state agriculture industry even grew during this period, most likely a result of new markets for goods beginning to form and the country growing as an economic whole in a new path. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> The second period of Infitah followed the example of the first, capitalizing on the small but sure revitalization that seemed to be occurring. Qadhafi himself spoke for this, arguing “public for a clear distinction between the private sector and the state…he suggested the closing of unprofitable state enterprises, the imposition of higher fees for state-provided services like water and electricity, and a reduction of the number of state employees” (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 164). Taking the burden off the state in terms of enterprise allows for profits to be distributed through a market system as opposed to simply being distributed at the government’s whims. In effect, industry was allowed to go through the reemergence of privatization and the Infitah in general.</div><div class="MsoNormal"> Banks provided an interesting contradiction throughout the Infitah. For the most part, they had no actual funds, only being supported by the government. The banks’ management was told to loan to fund enterprise, effectively causing privatization to occur at the state’s expense. This situation had no great effect on the Infitah outside of the traditional role of banks in enterprise as lenders, but does provide an interesting microcosm of the initial wave of Infitah in general, “a hesitating, newly created private sector was allowed to provide and distribute what the state through its inefficient distribution system…could not deliver to Libyan citizens” (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 166). The economic revolution was put in the hands of the people, but enforced by government; this is not socialism, but it fits in the revolution’s ideal of letting Libya’s people shape their nation.</div><div class="MsoNormal"> This is not to say that Infitah is a catch-all for Libya’s problems. Libya’s black market is crippling, with cheap electronics items being smuggled in to be sold at incredibly high prices, and government-run stores “where enterprising individuals buy goods and electronics at subsidized prices and sell them for what the market can bear” (El-Kikhia, 96). Foreign workers with permits also tend to take advantage of exchange rates, changing their dinars to dollars for massive profits. Foreign labor in general is hazardous to Libya, even outside the black market, due to over half the nation’s work-force being foreign. This leads to individuals only in Libya to supplement black market earnings, as well as Libyan citizens who cannot get jobs opened by the Infitah (El-Kikhia, 99). Rising costs to Libyan citizens due to such export and foreign swindles has many not being able to make ends meet, despite being above the poverty line. El-Kikhia sees this partly as the fault of the citizen’s, saying “Libyans do not want to work” due to years of government handouts and subsidies. Foreign labor is also described as “docile” and “well-paid”, and notes that the government even cuts into citizen’s production as “all Libyans above the age of eighteen and under the age of fifty-six have to comply when ordered to be at a certain place at a certain time” (103). </div><div class="MsoNormal"> Economic reform is occurring once again in Libya, with Qadhafi in 2005 announcing a wide-spread and inclusive reform program. The time since Qadhafi took power has been filled with economic woes and various reform policies, none of which seemed to entirely alleviate the curse of oil. This new reform is in the shape of Infitah, but now with a new banner: consumer Infitah. The earlier periods of Infitah may have been successful at economic revitalization during their times, but did not structurally change the nation as much as could have been hoped. The ideal of consumer Infitah is the by-product of these previous reforms: the consumer is given the task of liberalization, and told to work in a market as best as possible. After nearly two decades of this, it is well ingrained in the mind of the Libyan consumer (Vandewalle, “A History of Modern Libya”, 192). In spirit, the Infitah is still occurring, still working to reform the economy in the vision of liberalization. This new reform, however, works to promote the role of the state as the sustainer of an economy; Libya will no longer let its people simply be, but it will not destroy the private sector. The government will become an institution of privatization, helping along the way to provide at least a structure to the, somewhat newly, privatized nation. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> The biggest challenge remaining has been the constant challenge for Qadhafi: how to break the oil hold. For two decades, his Infitah has worked to try to reform the nation in a newly industrial form. Still, however, his mistakes along the way have been bought out by oil money, and still the average people are poor and without motivation to work. Libya will not cease being an oil producer in the near future, its reserves still incredible and oil still the main source of its GDP, but it will attempt to build up for a time when those reserves run dry. With the government as an institution now backing reform, this change seems more possible than ever, especially with world sanctions finally being lifted. Libya, should it follow the path it is attempting to set for itself, stands to become an industrial nation with an oil funded past. The Infitah set the stage, and now the actor’s in the government, in the people, and in the industry must play their part. </div><div class="MsoNormal"> </div><div class="MsoNormal"></div><div class="MsoNormal"></div><div class="MsoNormal"></div><div class="MsoNormal"></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">James Taylor</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">April 29, 2009</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal"> Libya: History, Oil and Infitah Works Cited</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">El-Kikhia, Mansour. <u>Libya's Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction</u>. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Energy Information Administation. “Libya.” <u>Country Analysis Briefs</u>. July 2007. 29 April 2009. <www.eia.doe.gov></www.eia.doe.gov></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Federal Research Division. <u>Libya: A Country Study</u>. United States Government Printing Office, Washington D.C., 1989.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">UNDP Human Development Reports. “2007/2008 Human Development Report.” 2008. 29 April 2009. <http: countries="" data_sheets="" en="" html="" org=""></http:></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Vandewalle, Dirk. <u>A History of Modern Libya</u>. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">Vandewalle, Dirk. <u>Libya Since Independence: Oil and State-Building</u>. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">The World Bank Group. “Libya at a glance.” <u>World Bank Reports</u>. 9 Sept. 2008. 29 April 2009. <http: aag="" org="" pdf=""></http:></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">The World Bank Group. “Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Country Economic Report.” <u>World Bank Reports</u>. July 2006. 29 April 2009. <http: org=""></http:></div><br />
Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-62890520640588643002011-08-14T15:53:00.007-04:002011-08-15T21:00:05.280-04:00Rothbard's Autopsy: A Libertarian Exercise<br />
On the advice of "Ubermensch" from <a href="http://leftlibertarian.org/">Left Libertarian</a>, I read over Murray Rothbard's 1989 <a href="http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard60.html">Ronald Reagan: An Autopsy</a>. Rothbard writes not as a "left" libertarian, but rather as tradionalist, seemingly more in line with Ayn Rand's Objectivism than ensuring the public's freedom from government intervention. <br />
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A quick glance at Rothbard before we begin is in order. Rothbard was dean of the Austrian school, which focuses on austerity and neoclassical methodology through the free market. He has been called "The Father of Modern Libertarianism" with a detailed <a href="http://mises.org/rothbard/newlibertywhole.asp">manifesto</a> outlining what liberty should be. Rothbard credits inspiring Ron Paul with a renewed focus on <a href="http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard260.html">commodity money</a>. Most notably to me is Rothbard's coining of the term <a href="http://mises.org/daily/2801">anarcho</a>-<a href="http://mises.org/rothbard/ethics/hoppeintro.asp">capitalism</a>, wherein Rothbard believes that anarchy with the ability to possess private property or a fully market-based society. To summarize, we'll pull from Rothbard's own words to describe the goals of Libertarianism without any government intervention: <br />
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Perhaps, then, we could call ourselves by a new name: <i>non</i>archist. Then, when, in the jousting of debate, the inevitable challenge "are you an anarchist?" is heard, we can, for perhaps the first and last time, find ourselves in the luxury of the "middle of the road" and say, "Sir, I am neither an anarchist nor an archist, but am squarely down the <i>non</i>archic middle of the road." </blockquote><br />
As can be seen, Rothbard is staunch in his ideals and largely consistent. He is anti-government, anti-regulation, anti-invasion of all freedom. I would traditionally call anarchy, except that there is always the trap of capitalist exploitation. Applying a Marxian logic here would dilute a pure review, but remember the basic method of profit gathering assuming exploitation is believed. Rothbard's allowance of businesses and individuals to own property and maintain total control over them enables the debate of communo-anarchism and anarcho-capitalism. <br />
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Now we have some ideas in place about Rothbard. Let's bring it all back home to Reagan. <br />
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In March 1989, Rothbard published his "Autopsy" in <span style="font-style: italic;">Liberty</span>. Rothbard employs a gambit immediately: attack and destroy the image of Reagan in the eyes of libertarians. Whether or not he assumed the Reagan Revival in <a href="http://www.nber.org/papers/w7647">economic policy</a> (<a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/may/31/forgetting-the-kemp-and-reagan-revival/">though wavering</a>), as well as in <a href="http://www.jstor.org/pss/3711680">civil duty</a>. The issue comes with a lack of citation: Rothbard does not employ any sources in his report, while faulting the anecdotal speak of Reagan. In fact, Rothbard calls on generalities often to support his point: <br />
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<blockquote style="font-family: georgia;">-<span style="font-size: 100%;">Donald Regan and others have commented on Ronald Reagan’s strange passivity <br />
-</span><span style="font-size: 100%;">Reagan doesn’t actually have to <i>do </i>anything; like Peter Sellers in his last film, all he has to do is be <i>there, </i>the beloved icon, giving his vital sanction to the governmental process. <br />
-</span><span style="font-size: 100%;">[Reagan] is still able to act as if he were totally separate from the actions of the government</span> <br />
-<span style="font-size: 100%;">So who cares if the <i>actual </i>story is wrong? Let it stand, like a Hollywood story, as a surrogate for the welfare cheats whom everyone knows do exist. </span></blockquote><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times,serif; font-size: 100%;"> <br />
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<span style="font-family: georgia;">While valid observations, they do not pass the common knowledge test. He in fact calls on "others" and Peter Sellers references to prove points that could be acknowledged in press or academic articles. These issues all occur within the first two pages, and remain pervasive </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times,serif; font-size: 100%;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">throughout. So, let's try to leave it as solely an opinion piece without getting into a froth over a lack of academic standards. I can't speak for Liberty, nor the citation rules of 1989, so I'd hate to argue it anyway. <br />
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Why the attack straight on the character of Reagan? The same jokes would later be made on the "Reaganing" episode of 30 Rock, mocking Reagan's wide mouth and ability to be tamed. For a man with such a devout following and incredibly well-written and defended articles, the piece reads more for public relations than for the active searching and classification of death present in an autopsy. <br />
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And public relations seems to be the key. If you are the "founder" of modern Libertarianism, finding a fault with the ruling rightist class will allow a gap to form. It pulls individuals i</span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times,serif; font-size: 100%;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">n, while not ruining favor with the ruling class. The more moderate changes of HW Bush do not receive the same autopsy, however he is given a pass for simply avoiding Reagan's PR obsession and ability as an actor. Rothbard writes to stir the masses, creating something more akin to a manifesto. <br />
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So, to Rothbard, what did Reagan do wrong economically? He was a puppet, Rothbard claims, so let's use "Reagan" as a more general term for the policies enacted by his administration between 1980-1988. The Tax Reform Act of 1986 seems the most offensive, an orchestrated maneuver to empower those without money while taking from those who have succeeded. This dialect creates a near classist argument, one Rothbard himself points out <a href="http://mises.org/daily/2801">in a later article</a> which even mentions a relationship to Marxism. <br />
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The increase in government spending is the other cardinal sin, as Reagan's, "spending surpassed even Carter's irresponsible estimates...[increasing] government spending by an enormous amount - so enormous it would take a 40 percent cut to bring us back to Carter's wild spending totals...". The 1981 tax cut that did get put into place is eliminated by "bracket creep," something Rothbard seems to attribute to Reagan's policies. <br />
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Let's address these issues front on: it is totally against libertarian values to increase government spending, but it is a right wing tradition. Actually, it's pretty much <a href="http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/graph/fredgraph.png?&id=FGEXPND,FYFSD&scale=Left,Left&range=Custom,Custom&cosd=1970-01-01,1970-01-01&coed=2011-04-01,2010-09-30&line_color=%230000ff,%23ff0000&link_values=false,false&line_style=Solid,Solid&mark_type=NONE,NONE&mw=4,4&lw=1,1&ost=-99999,-99999&oet=99999,99999&mma=0,0&fml=a,a&fq=Annual,Annual%2C+Fiscal+Year&fam=avg,avg&fgst=lin,lin&transformation=nbd,nbd&vintage_date=2011-08-14,2011-08-14&revision_date=2011-08-14,2011-08-14&nd=2007-12-01,2007-12-01">every president's tradition.</a> <br />
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<span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times,serif; font-size: 100%;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="font-size: 100%;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYYAtBDm7uI355ZIM3C3iCPj9tNn52tp8rjpQqZaBP_qMOST1IfcTb3eeVq-h3Yl6ARAn-oyIZNDXz4yG6fecBsPb0ygjNXmiGxmzBygTILNMjmznlPGup3UEgLN4XgmkUXdHrJHlJfvPW/s1600/fredgraph.png"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5640819309816903746" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgYYAtBDm7uI355ZIM3C3iCPj9tNn52tp8rjpQqZaBP_qMOST1IfcTb3eeVq-h3Yl6ARAn-oyIZNDXz4yG6fecBsPb0ygjNXmiGxmzBygTILNMjmznlPGup3UEgLN4XgmkUXdHrJHlJfvPW/s320/fredgraph.png" style="cursor: pointer; display: block; height: 192px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 320px;" /></a></span></span></span> <br />
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Also included is the federal surplus or deficit, which did raise sharply after 1980. So yes, Reagan created a surplus while increasing spending by what, on an indexed curve, looks about right for the time. The "bracket creep" of inflation could as easily count for this increased spending, while the downturn following 1985 suggests that tax cuts did lower the actual owned monies of the government. So again, Rothbard is correct in his assumptions. <br />
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However, this is a Libertarian analysis. Rothbard being correct, in the complete reliance of his previously established ideas concerning the power of the free market, creates a class distinction that effectively rejoins him with Rand. The rich will get rich due to their own power, and while that power accumulates, it must come from a lower class. A class distinction is then destined to form within the Rothbard ideal, which, while vital to libertarianism, creates the possibility of control by corporation. <br />
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This is only my first post on Reagan and the Libertarians. I will update more on the ethics of corporate control as time goes, hopefully sooner than later. <br />
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</span></span> Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-54811059816717663672011-08-14T03:17:00.001-04:002011-08-14T09:05:00.827-04:00Creative Destruction: Privatize the liquor stores!<a href="http://gecon.blogspot.com/2011/08/privatize-liquor-stores.html#links">Creative Destruction: Privatize the liquor stores!</a>
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<br />This is just something I feel strongly about and have been involved with. Professor Weise makes some good points, and more people should read up on this issue. As a Marylander myself, the Pennsylvania laws seem idiotic especially when home to such great breweries as Troegs, Victory, Weyerbacher, and are one of the few East Coast states to even receive the revered beers of Russian River Brewing Company. Support freedom of liquor sales in PA, or at least some well revised laws!
<br />Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-81557659292959150642011-08-14T01:03:00.004-04:002011-08-15T21:00:49.560-04:00Message Board Dynamics: Assessing the Plan-It-X DebacleFor a long time, I've done nothing but sing the praises of<a href="http://plan-it-x.com/"> Plan-It-X</a> records. Founded by Samantha Jane Dorsett (may she rest in peace) and Chris Johnston, it has been the home of various bands with varying levels of success, with the general idea being that no one should sell a CD unless they believe in the music and that if it ain't cheap, it ain't punk. A FAQ is available <a href="http://www.plan-it-x.org/faq/">here</a>, but let me quote a piece for ideology: <br />
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<blockquote><b>Q:</b> WHAT IS THE POINT OF PLAN-IT-X?<br />
<b>A:</b> we release music we love. music that we want other people to hear. plan-it-x records is not about making money. we are about getting punk music heard. punk rock is more than a business, or at least it should be. we sell all our cds for $5 postage paid. we still make enough money to feed ourselves and release more music. CDs only cost about $2 to make. think about that the next time you buy a $10 cd that's supposed to be d.i.y.</blockquote><br />
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However, in the recent economic climate, CD sales are down, vinyls are up, and the death of Samantha has put a major hurt on the label. Still a powerful force in the indie music community, Plan-It-X has adopted a new strategy of releasing <a href="http://www.popmatters.com/pm/feature/116282-reconsidering-the-revival-of-cassette-tape-culture">casettes</a> and <a href="http://www.digitaldreamdoor.com/pages/benson/vinyl-1.html">vinyls</a>, to appeal to the retro aesthetic that can, for a reasonably cheap price and a vinyl premium, create new profits. <br />
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Except Plan-It-X is constrained by funding, rather than seeking active profit. Simply running the label and attempting community involvement in Cairo, IL has enveloped Chris in a deep debt, socially requiring him to run for profit if only to earn his basic needs. This has even turned into digital distribution, which Chris <a href="http://pix.hijinx.nu/index.php?topic=37361.msg751435#msg751435">harbors an evident distate for despite its neccesity</a>. <br />
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So then why is it a disappointment to a record label owner to adjust and arguably market to a new generation of consumers? The punks have grown up, in ways worse than others. The very people Chris founded the label for<a href="http://pix.hijinx.nu/index.php?topic=37968.msg760564#msg760564"> have been criticized</a> for the way they've grown the official PIX message board. The founding ideal of cheap punk CD's is now, quite literally, gone. <a href="http://www.plan-it-x.org/">No more CD's will be produced or repressed</a>, favoring the hopefully more profitable new forms of distribution. <br />
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And what of the people who loved the old Plan-It-X? Many still support it, but calls to arms are appearing on the <a href="http://pix.hijinx.nu/">official forum</a>. In fact, many posts are not in regard to DIY or even music, but a large community has formed on the basic idea of liking PIX music and ideas. So where do you go from there, as a label owner? As an anarchist? Is a desire for profit neccesary for a label to succeed, along with the sort of marketing that controls other industries? <br />
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Chris has always been a hero of mine, so I apologize if this sounds like any worship. This record label exemplifies the crisis that an American Anarchist community faces to even stay afloat, with a saleable product. I will update more on the morning, but consider this a precursor to a discussion of Anarchist Ideals in the American Cultural Landscape <br />
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Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-36901157708084315252011-08-13T19:20:00.002-04:002011-08-15T21:01:39.005-04:00Bachmann Wins the Iowa Straw PollThe now winner of what Jon Stewart noted as a tent contest, Michelle Bachmann has established herself as a viable candidate for the Republican Primaries. CNN has a data report available <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2011/POLITICS/08/13/iowa.straw.poll/index.html?hpt=hp_t1">here.</a> <br />
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Now, full disclosure, I am a pretty far left individual, but the point of this blog is to give fair coverage to both sides of the American discourse. The election of 2012 will be an obvious hotspot for every sort of discussion, but this straw poll may be a more interesting topic to talk about before everyone hops on to primary coverage. <br />
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<a name='more'></a>In terms of political representation, Iowa is leftist in actual votes, but right in terms of <a href="http://www.mondopolitico.com/parties/us/iowa/us.ia.pp.htm">representing parties</a>. Fringe groups such as the <a href="http://www.scc-asp.org/american_socialist_party_iowa.html">Socialist Party in Iowa</a>, while existing, have flawed websites and Acting State Directors positions unfilled. The left represents itself only in final voting power, but not in directing "true" left ideas. Votes will go democrat, but primarily in favor of moderacy over left ideals. Here is a chart with a breakdown since the Republican 80's: <br />
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<table class="wikitable"><caption><b>Presidential elections results</b></caption> <tbody>
<tr style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% lightgrey;"> <th>Year</th> <th><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Party_%28United_States%29" title="Republican Party (United States)">Republican</a></th> <th><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Party_%28United_States%29" title="Democratic Party (United States)">Democratic</a></th> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_2008" title="United States presidential election, 2008">2008</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;">44.74% <i>677,508</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><b>54.04%</b> <i>818,240</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_2004" title="United States presidential election, 2004">2004</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;"><b>49.92%</b> <i>751,957</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;">49.28% <i>741,898</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_2000" title="United States presidential election, 2000">2000</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;">48.22% <i>634,373</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><b>48.60%</b> <i>638,517</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_1996" title="United States presidential election, 1996">1996</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;">39.92% <i>492,644</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><b>50.31%</b> <i>620,258</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_1992" title="United States presidential election, 1992">1992</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;">37.33% <i>504,890</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><b>43.35%</b> <i>586,353</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_1988" title="United States presidential election, 1988">1988</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;">44.8% <i>545,355</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;"><b>55.1%</b> <i>670,557</i></td> </tr>
<tr> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_presidential_election,_1984" title="United States presidential election, 1984">1984</a></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(255, 243, 243); text-align: center;"><b>53.32%</b> <i>703,088</i></td> <td style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 255); text-align: center;">45.97% <i>605,62</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iowa#Political_parties">Source</a> <br />
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Of these 7 elections, the democratic wins were only by slight margins in most years. Without going into history much farther back, we can see there is a reasonable percentage of alternative party votes, particularly in the 1988 elections. This is largely due to the populist politics of Dick Gephardt, who while running as a democrat, did inspire votes outside the conventional parties. <br />
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But back to Bachmann. There is a democratic trend in Iowa, so why place the grand importance there? Well, it's quite literally <a href="http://www.iowacorn.org/">corn country</a>, allowing Republicans to focus on a down home, American manufacturing image. This is a sin of any party, playing environment instead of hard politics, and an effective one. Being the first Republican caucus, Ames, Iowa recieves a grand business boost as the state-fair-esque tents begin to populate an otherwise small town. There is an economic incentive for Ames, despite Iowa's general Democratic leaning. <br />
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Why the success though? CNN, The Guardian, and Bachmann attribute it to social conservative principals and heavy tea party support <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/aug/14/michele-bachmann-iowa-straw-poll">[The Guardian Article]</a>. Unsurprisingly, by making her move at the Republican Caucus, it implies Bachmann will not be running as a third-party Tea Party candidate, but rather focus on her involvement with them during the campaign and any potential congressional caucuses. <br />
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On a more general level, the Tea Party is gaining active power in both "down home" environments while also taking advantage of media. This dual power, combined with an idolization of free market capitalism and lessening of government involvement, implies that Tea Party individuals can very well spend campaign and government funds once in office to support themselves, claiming free market politics as an incentive. Bachmann's win is a well-played game, and one that personally terrifies me. This is a return to Reagonomics, without even the <a href="http://blogs.wsj.com/financial-adviser/2010/06/08/why-the-laffer-curve-might-be-wrong-here/">widely </a><a href="http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1692027,00.html">disregarded</a> <a href="http://www.jstor.org/pss/4225217">Laffer</a> <a href="http://capitalgainsandgames.com/blog/andrew-samwick/1883/go-find-me-peak-laffer-curve">Curve</a> to back it up. Media and power plays are taking over. Let's be sure we're looking at the economics of those issues in order to understand the new political climate. Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-67960720458298885282011-08-13T17:06:00.001-04:002011-08-15T21:02:02.762-04:00Pop Music: Individual as CapitalTo be clear, this is somewhat off the Reagan topic. It is, however, a quick look into modern international pop with a focus on defining the individual through material rather than personal terms. The major example here will be Annie's "Chewing Gum" from her 2004 album <span style="font-style: italic;">Anniemal</span>. <br />
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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="349" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/nCNKLzUD7CU?rel=0" width="425"></iframe> <br />
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The history of the album is incredibly divergent: it is critically acclaimed, while also being sugar coated pop <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/01/arts/music/01rose.html">[1]</a>. A similar divide appears in the album's creation, with Annie's initial work being a collaboration with her then-boyfriend Tore Kroknes. Kroknes would fall ill and pass within the next two years, leaving Annie's career as a set of demo tapes, half-finished Kroknes productions, and a burgeoning career as a DJ <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/news/music/dancing-to-a-solo-tune/2006/06/01/1148956450699.html">[2]</a>. <br />
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With this in mind, it's hard to see Annie as an industry-created figure. While supported by her fans and record companies, Annie manufactured a bubble-gum pop princess image while surrounded by the death of her boyfriend and producer and an underground single gaining popularity throughout Europe. She would go out of her way to connect Kroknes' death to the album without losing it's pop power: <br />
<blockquote>As for the light-hearted lyrics, the singer simply resisted making Anniemal the tale of tragedy many perhaps expected.<br />
"Of course, I was struggling a lot with things back then and in some ways it's sometimes easier to write when things aren't that easy, but I always try to make lyrics that aren't too dark.<br />
"Tore is still there in a lot of songs, but more as a producer, as I learned a lot from him about production. Lyrically, I can't really say any one song is really about him, but maybe Heartbeat is. It's about a club I used to go to where he was DJing." <br />
</blockquote>In essence, Annie avoids both cold-hearted reaction to sending out a pop song about using men as sexual objects directly after the death of Kroknes, while reinforcing her image as a creative force without the need of Kroknes. Annie appropriates the cultural capital of Kroknes life, while still honoring him in a way she feels personally applicable. <br />
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Despite the more humane use of the individual as capital in the song and album's production, the song itself is more disturbing. The "Chewing Gum" of the title refers to men, specifically, and the thrill of a new relationship. However, the thrill itself is entirely replicable: men are not individuals, but rather consumer products which can be obtained and disposed of as well. Even the more positive men (the "chocolate" of the chorus) are still labeled as commercial entities. More so, there is no brand association, effectively announcing the song as a pick-up for advertising agencies willing to sample the non-sexual elements while boosting the product. <br />
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The creation of this layered branding is what activates the commercial value of Annie. She is at once creator and industry product, sexualized object as well as sexual capitalist in the song video, and finally able to posit herself in a prime location for future use of the song as a capital entity. <br />
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So what, if anything, is the issue here? The history of Anniemal from 1999-2004 can easily be read as a woman defining herself artistically and personally despite the death of a loved one. The reading above can also define the negative, where Annie uses the production techniques of the dead to sexualize herself and create a market niche as a powerful and inspirational figure. <br />
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This is the dichotomy this project wants to explore. How can we categorize culture into positive and negative; how can the individual, regardless of political, sexual, or any orientation, affect change without the context of the work overpowering a singular message? <br />
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Here's to Reagan and Annie, capitalists of the higher caliber, whatever that may mean. <br />
<blockquote></blockquote>Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8162500021003948022.post-11994337898927131982011-08-13T11:24:00.000-04:002011-08-13T11:39:50.107-04:00An IntroductionHello!
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<br />In a meeting about an honors thesis months ago, the idea was brought up to make a blog to chronicle articles, thoughts, and drafts of a cross-disciplinary thesis. The goal was set to make information accessible to all parties, as well as to catalog what is actually occurring while designing this work.
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<br />So what is being done? I am writing a thesis concerning the impact of Reagan and H.W. Bush era economics on current and then-current literature. In essence, how did a largely liberal artistic base react to a conservative economic policy? How did the death of the Fordian system affect Republicans as well? The demonization of Reagonomics is to be studied from the radical liberal to the black tie conservative, gauging cultural reactions through the literature created on all sides of the cultural divide.
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<br />And a divide it is! The goal of the thesis is a 35-60pg concentrated analysis of this cultural and economic shift. None of this would be possible without the gracious support of Stefanie Sobelle, Yahya Madra, and the English and Economic Departments of Gettysburg College. Thanks as well go to Professors Flynn and Goldberg, the current chair and the Honors Program director respectively.
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<br />So, this will be for fun and ideas. Reads of articles, analyses of things that may not fit into the general time frame, or other forms of media. PLEASE comment and email anything you think would be interesting, or would like commented on!
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<br />Thanks for reading!
<br />Jim T.http://www.blogger.com/profile/15291126402974737247noreply@blogger.com0